Numbered and Owned: Resisting Digital Control in Aotearoa

RNZ recently published an article Digital IDs Are Coming, the discussion centres on the increasing adoption of digital identification systems worldwide, including in New Zealand. The piece highlights the so-called efficiency and convenience digital IDs offer, such as seamless airport check-ins and streamlined access to services. However, it does acknowledge the privacy and security concerns associated with storing personal data electronically, especially regarding potential cyberattacks and identity theft. Experts like Paul Spain and Joe Edwards emphasize the importance of voluntary participation and the need for individuals to have control over their information.

While the article atttempts to present a balanced view, it inadvertently contributes to the normalisation of digital identification by focusing more on its benefits and downplaying the potential risks. By framing digital IDs as an inevitable progression towards efficiency and convenience, it subtly encourages acceptance without critically examining the broader implications. The emphasis on voluntary adoption and individual control, though important, may not fully address concerns about systemic surveillance, data privacy, and the potential for exclusion of those without access to digital technologies.

In essence, the article serves more as an introduction to digital IDs rather than a critical analysis, potentially paving the way for their widespread acceptance without sufficient public scrutiny about digital IDs being part of a global push to make everyday life more legible to bureaucracies, corporations, and security agencies. The government, banks, and technology firms promise that digital identity systems will make life easier with fewer passwords, less paperwork, faster services, and smoother travel. Yet behind this glossy language of “convenience” lies the oldest trick of capitalist modernity – reducing human beings to data points, codifying them into categories that can be monitored, traded, and controlled.

The RNZ feature lays out the official framing that this is the next step in the inevitable march of technological progress. The message that Aotearoa must modernise or be left behind is clear. Yet what is dressed up as progress is in fact enclosure through a new round of fencing off human freedom, carving it into databases and algorithms that benefit the ruling class. To understand why digital ID matters, and why anarcho-communists in Aotearoa must resist it, we need to place it in its wider political and historical context.

Identification has always been political. From the Domesday Book in Norman England, cataloguing land and subjects for taxation, to the colonial pass laws that restricted the movement of Indigenous peoples, the state has always sought to “see” its subjects. Identification systems allow power to flow one way – authorities gather information about us, but we rarely have any say in how it is used.

In Aotearoa, this began with the imposition of written land titles, replacing Māori collective custodianship with a Pākehā system of property deeds that could be bought and sold. Identification was not just about recognising who someone was, but about displacing entire ways of life in favour of capitalist legality. The Treaty rolls, the Native Land Court, the census were all mechanisms of identification tied to dispossession.

Fast-forward to the 20th century: and we have driver licences, passports, IRD numbers, and WINZ client IDs. Each new identifier promised efficiency but also deepened surveillance. Digital ID is not new, rather it is simply the next step in this centuries-long process of codification, but now accelerated by algorithms, biometrics, and global databases.

The RNZ piece notes that banks, government services, and private companies are keen on digital ID because it cuts costs. Yet what is cost-cutting for them is dependency for us. If every transaction, from paying rent to getting a doctor’s appointment, requires a digital ID, then not having one becomes a form of exclusion.

The rhetoric of “choice” is hollow. Just as with My Vaccine Pass during the pandemic, the infrastructure of compulsion hides behind the mask of voluntarism. Once institutions align around a digital ID, participation becomes mandatory in practice, if not by law. To “opt out” will mean opting out of society.

Here we see the neoliberal logic at work: outsource identification to private tech firms, integrate it into banking and e-commerce, and frame it as a service rather than a state mandate. In reality, it binds us more tightly to both state bureaucracy and capitalist platforms.

Aotearoa’s rollout is not happening in isolation. From the UK to Samoa, all across the world, digital identity projects are being pursued. The World Bank promotes digital IDs through its ID4D initiative, and corporations like Microsoft and Mastercard are eager to integrate them into financial systems.

This is not a coincidence. Capitalism thrives on universality – to extract value, it must make everything comparable, exchangeable, measurable. Just as the enclosure of common lands allowed for capitalist farming, the enclosure of identity into digital form allows for new markets in data, new efficiencies in labour control, new frontiers for surveillance.

The danger is not simply “Big Brother watching you.” It is a deeper restructuring of social life so that every interaction, economic, social, or political, flows through systems owned and operated by ruling elites.

Let us strip away the PR and call digital ID what it is – infrastructure for capitalist surveillance. Imagine a society where every payment, every movement, every healthcare visit, every online interaction is tied to a single ID. The state will say it fights fraud and crime; banks will say it prevents money laundering. Yet the real outcome is that ordinary people become transparent while the powerful remain opaque.

Consider the possibilities:

  • Employers use digital IDs to track workers’ compliance.
  • Landlords demand them for tenancy, excluding those deemed “high-risk.”
  • WINZ links benefits directly to ID, tightening conditionality.
    Police access ID databases in the name of “safety”.
    Corporations mine ID-linked data for targeted advertising and behavioural manipulation.

In short, digital ID is less about proving who we are, and more about disciplining us into who they want us to be.

Proponents often frame digital ID as a tool for inclusion and giving access to services for those who lack traditional forms of identification. Yet history shows that identification schemes rarely empower the marginalised; they entrench their marginalisation.

For Māori, digital ID risks becoming another layer of colonial imposition. Whose definitions of identity are encoded? Whose whakapapa is legible to the system? How will iwi or hapū sovereignty be respected when the state assumes the authority to digitally define who is who? For migrants, refugees, and the poor, digital ID becomes a gatekeeping tool: “Show us your papers, or your app, or your biometric scan.” The promise of access often hides the reality of exclusion.

What, then, is to be done? For anarcho-communists, digital ID cannot be treated as a neutral technology to be tweaked or regulated. It is part of the machinery of capitalist control, and resisting it requires a broader struggle against the system that produces it.

That means rejecting the narrative of inevitability. Technology is not destiny. Just as workers once smashed the machines of the factory system, not out of technophobia but out of class struggle, we too must see digital ID as a terrain of conflict.

Direct action, mutual aid, and solidarity are our tools. We can build alternative forms of verification based on trust, community, and reciprocity, not state databases. We can refuse to normalise ID checks in everyday life. We can support those most likely to be excluded by these systems, ensuring that solidarity, not surveillance, defines our communities.

The fight against digital ID is not about defending some romanticised “old way” of identification. It is about resisting the creeping normalisation of control. The state tells us that security requires surveillance; corporations tell us that convenience requires surrender. Both are lies.

True security comes from community, not databases. True convenience comes from freedom, not dependency on apps. Our liberation will never be found in QR codes or biometric scans. It lies in dismantling the systems that make identification a tool of domination in the first place.

Anarcho-communism insists on a different horizon: a world where people are not reduced to numbers in a system but recognised as full human beings in their collective relations. That is the opposite of what digital ID offers.

Digital IDs are coming, the state tells us. But inevitability is a political weapon, not a fact. Capitalism has always tried to convince us that its enclosures are “progress.” The enclosure of identity into digital form is no different. It will not bring freedom or empowerment. It will bring tighter oppression, disguised as convenience.

As anarchists in Aotearoa, our task is clear: refuse to be numbered, refuse to be reduced, refuse to let our lives be coded into systems of domination. The struggle against digital ID is the struggle against capitalist surveillance, against colonial imposition, against the machinery of control. It is part of the broader struggle for a world beyond state and capital.

When they tell us “Digital IDs are coming,” we must answer “so is resistance.”

Digital ID – The New Chains of Capitalist Surveillance

The world is entering an era where identity is no longer a matter of personal relationships, lived experience, or even paperwork. Increasingly, it is reduced to biometric scans, algorithmic verification, and digital tokens. Across the globe, governments and corporations are rolling out digital identification systems, facial recognition passports, biometric driver’s licences, app-based vaccine passes, QR-coded welfare access, and unified digital wallets. The language that accompanies these projects is familiar – efficiency, convenience, modernisation, inclusion. We are told that digital ID will make life easier, reduce fraud, and open new opportunities.

The reality, however, is far more sinister. Identification has never been neutral, it has always been a weapon of power, wielded by states and capitalists to monitor, control, and discipline populations. From passports to colonial passbooks, from welfare cards to border regimes, the apparatus of identification has always been tied to domination. Digital ID is simply the latest iteration of this long history, but with a scale and sophistication that makes its dangers even more profound. Far from liberating us, it is forging new chains and binding us more tightly to systems of surveillance, exclusion, and exploitation.

Identification as Domination

To grasp what digital ID represents, we must situate it within the longer history of identification as a tool of authority. The passport, now normalised as a necessary object of travel, was originally a way for states to restrict movement. In medieval Europe, peasants and serfs required written permission to leave their estates. Colonial regimes across Africa, Asia, and the Pacific perfected these systems of control, forcing indigenous people to carry passes while settlers roamed unhindered. In apartheid South Africa, the “pass laws” criminalised Black South Africans for existing outside their assigned zones, reducing life itself to a bureaucratic calculation of permission.

Identification has never been about protecting the individual; it has been about protecting property relations. States have needed to know who people are in order to tax them, conscript them, and deny them rights. Employers demanded papers to guarantee that workers were legally exploitable. Landlords used identification to screen tenants, banks to gate-keep credit, police to track dissenters. The notion of “identity” under capitalism has always been bound up with surveillance and discipline.

Digital ID does not break from this tradition but it intensifies it. What once required a physical stamp or signature now demands a biometric scan or QR code. Where once a police officer demanded to see your papers, now an algorithm silently determines your access. The shift is not from control to freedom, but from analogue domination to digital domination.

The Logic of Digital ID

Behind the rhetoric of convenience lies the hard logic of capital and the state. Digital ID is not being built for us, it is being built to extend the power of those who already govern our lives.

At its core, digital ID represents the enclosure of access. Increasingly, the essentials of life, healthcare, housing, employment, welfare, travel, are gated behind digital checkpoints. Without the correct identification, people are excluded. This transforms existence itself into a series of permissions, each mediated by algorithmic verification. Access to food, shelter, or work becomes conditional on whether a machine recognises your fingerprint or face.

It also expands surveillance capitalism. Every scan, swipe, or login generates data. This data is stored, tracked, and monetised. Digital ID reduces human beings to data streams, feeding the profits of corporations like Microsoft, Mastercard, and Accenture, companies deeply embedded in global ID initiatives. Far from empowering individuals, digital ID empowers corporations by turning our lives into commodities to be sold.

Digital ID also disciplines labour. By tying welfare payments, work permits, or banking access to digital identity, states and corporations acquire powerful new tools to coerce populations. In India, the Aadhaar biometric system has left millions excluded from rations and pensions when fingerprints failed to scan, producing not efficiency but hunger. Migrant workers across the world are increasingly monitored through digital verification, making precarious labour even more vulnerable.

Perhaps most insidiously, digital ID normalises surveillance itself. By embedding digital checkpoints into daily life, whether entering a building, logging into a service, or accessing healthcare, surveillance becomes routine. What once might have provoked outrage becomes ordinary. Control does not need to be imposed violently when it is integrated seamlessly into the everyday functions of existence.

The consequences of digital ID are not abstract. Around the world, its implementation reveals the sharp edges of exclusion and control.

As already mentioned India’s Aadhaar project, the largest biometric ID system in history, covers over a billion people. It was presented as a means of reducing corruption and expanding access to welfare. In reality, it has excluded millions of poor and rural people from food rations and pensions because their fingerprints did not register. Reports have documented starvation deaths when families were denied grain for lack of proper authentication. For the poor, the system is not convenience, it is a death sentence.

In Europe, digital ID takes a different but equally insidious form. The EU is developing a unified “digital identity wallet” for banking, healthcare, and travel, promoted as freedom for citizens. At the same time, the Eurodac database stores the fingerprints of asylum seekers to enforce deportations and prevent secondary movement. Digital ID here is double-edged, advertised as seamless mobility for the privileged, but functioning as chains for migrants.

Across Africa, the World Bank and multinational corporations are funding digital ID projects under the guise of “financial inclusion.” Tied to mobile money systems, these IDs are less about inclusion than about expanding debt markets and integrating populations into circuits of extraction. They replicate colonial practices where identification was a prerequisite for resource exploitation and labour discipline.

In settler-colonial states like New Zealand and Australia, digital driver’s licences and facial recognition technologies are being trialled under the language of security and convenience. But both countries maintain extensive databases of their populations, and both have long histories of surveillance and repression against indigenous peoples and political activists. Digital ID here strengthens existing patterns of racialised and political control, embedding them in everyday transactions.

The Role of the State

For anarchists, it is no surprise that the state is at the centre of these developments. The state has never been a neutral provider of services. It is a machinery of class rule, designed to enforce property relations and maintain hierarchy. Digital ID offers the state new levels of efficiency in population management. Welfare can be rationed through digital checkpoints, ensuring that only the “deserving” poor receive aid. Policing is strengthened through biometric databases, making dissent and protest more dangerous. Borders become omnipresent, extending into every workplace, clinic, and street corner. Even the ritual of voting is increasingly tied to digital verification, further legitimising the state’s hold.

But the state does not act alone. The infrastructure of digital ID is outsourced to corporations, tech giants and consultancy firms whose profits depend on extracting and selling data. ID2020, the flagship global digital ID initiative, is a partnership between Microsoft, Accenture, Gavi, and Mastercard. This fusion of state power and corporate capital creates a techno-bureaucratic regime that is incredibly difficult to resist at the level of the individual. It is not simply your government demanding your data, it is a web of global corporations embedding control into the infrastructure of daily life.

Resistance and Its Possibilities

And yet, systems of domination are never total. The chains of digital ID can be resisted, but the struggle requires collective defiance. Individuals cannot simply opt out when access to food, housing, or healthcare is increasingly contingent on digital verification. Resistance must be social, coordinated, and rooted in solidarity.

It begins with exposing the lie of convenience. The marketing of digital ID depends on people believing it is in their interests. By revealing its function as surveillance, exclusion, and profit-making, we can puncture the narrative that it is a neutral technological advance. Convenience is the sugar that coats the poison pill.

Resistance also means standing with those most affected by exclusion. When people are denied access to food or healthcare because a machine rejects them, solidarity demands that communities step in. Mutual aid networks, food distribution, and grassroots healthcare can undermine the state’s monopoly on survival. By caring for each other without demanding documents, communities demonstrate the possibility of life beyond identification.

Direct action has its place as well. Surveillance infrastructure can be disrupted, whether through physical sabotage, digital hacktivism, or leaks that expose the collusion of states and corporations. Every act that slows the expansion of digital ID chips away at its inevitability.

Perhaps most crucially, resistance means refusing to internalise the normalisation of surveillance. We must continue to feel anger each time a new checkpoint is introduced, each time a new biometric system is trialled, each time a new database is constructed. The greatest victory of power is not when it controls us, but when it convinces us that control is natural.

Digital ID is not a neutral innovation. It is the frontier of capitalist surveillance and state control. It deepens exploitation, excludes the vulnerable, and integrates every aspect of life into the machinery of profit and domination. Identification has always been a tool of authority, from medieval passes to apartheid laws, and digital ID is the most sophisticated form yet.

The ruling class wants us to believe digital ID is inevitable. But inevitability is the language of power. Systems of domination can be resisted, sabotaged, dismantled. The struggle against digital ID is not about nostalgia for the days of paper documents; it is about defending the very possibility of living without being constantly monitored, verified, and reduced to data.

What is at stake is not simply privacy, but freedom itself.

Digital Licences and the New Panopticon: The Move to Smartphone IDs in Aotearoa

On 23 August 2025, the New Zealand Government announced that it would legislate to allow driver’s licences, Warrants of Fitness (WoFs), and certificates of fitness to be carried digitally on smartphones. For the first time, drivers will no longer be legally bound to keep a physical licence on them when driving. Prime Minister Christopher Luxon lauded the change as “a common sense thing,” while Transport Minister Chris Bishop celebrated New Zealand’s status as a global pioneer, boasting that this country would be among the first in the world to embrace fully digital licensing.

At face value, this appears to be a harmless modernisation – a reform designed to make people’s lives easier by reducing dependence on plastic cards and paper certificates. It is framed as an update that reflects the ubiquity of smartphones, the rise of digital wallets, and the growing impatience of a society accustomed to instant services. Yet as with many reforms dressed up in the language of efficiency and convenience, there is far more at stake. The digitisation of licences and WoFs is not a neutral step forward but a calculated extension of surveillance, exclusion, and state control under the guise of modernisation.

Digital licences are part of a broader project of normalising surveillance, deepening inequality, and further embedding capitalist and statist domination in everyday life. Apparent “progress” in the realm of digital governance must be treated with suspicion.

The Convenience Rhetoric – Efficiency Masking Control

The state’s central justification for introducing digital licences rests on convenience. Ministers speak of making life “easier,” aligning New Zealand with other technologically advanced countries, and saving citizens from the supposed hassle of carrying physical cards. Yet convenience has long been a rhetorical cloak for policies that in fact increase state oversight.

Carrying a plastic card may be mildly inconvenient, but it grants a measure of independence. A physical licence exists in your wallet, outside the control of any network, app, or database. It is vulnerable to being lost or stolen, but it is also tangible and self-contained. A digital licence, however, is never entirely yours. It resides in an app designed by the state in collaboration with private contractors, linked to databases beyond your control. Every time it is accessed or presented, a record can be generated, stored, and potentially cross-referenced with other information about you.

We need to be suspicious of reforms that increase the visibility of individuals to the state. As Michel Foucault’s analysis of the panopticon reminds us, surveillance does not need to be continuous to be effective. The knowledge that one could be watched at any time is enough to regulate behaviour. By moving licences and WoFs into digital systems, the state extends its capacity to watch, to record, and ultimately to discipline.

Surveillance in the Digital Age

The dangers of digital identity systems are not speculative. Across the world, we see how centralised databases and digital credentials become tools of authoritarianism. In India, the Aadhaar biometric ID system has been used to deny welfare to those who fail fingerprint scans, while in China, digital IDs integrate seamlessly into the wider “social credit” apparatus that punishes dissent and rewards conformity.

New Zealand is not immune from these dynamics. Once the infrastructure for digital licences is built, it becomes relatively simple to integrate it with other state systems – benefit records, voting enrolments, even health data. What begins as a “driver’s licence on your phone” can evolve into a full-spectrum digital ID. This is the logic of scope creep, in which technologies introduced for limited purposes expand into wider domains of control.

Supporters argue that digital systems increase security, but security for whom? For the state, digital records create more reliable trails of evidence, more opportunities to cross-check compliance, and more ways to punish non-conformity. For citizens, however, they mean less privacy, less autonomy, and a deepening sense that one’s movements and activities are permanently recorded.

The Digital Divide and Structural Exclusion

Another aspect neglected in the Government’s triumphant rhetoric is the question of access. Digital licences presume that every citizen owns and can operate a smartphone capable of running government apps. Yet this is far from true.

Low-income families, elderly people, rural Māori and Pasifika communities, and those who simply cannot afford constant device upgrades risk being excluded. While the Government insists that digital licences will be an option, the reality of social expectation and bureaucratic inertia is that physical licences will soon be sidelined. Once police officers, rental agencies, or even nightclubs grow used to checking digital credentials, those without them will find themselves marginalised, regarded as backward, or even treated as suspicious.

From an anarcho-communist perspective, this reveals the class nature of digital reforms. Technologies presented as universally beneficial often reinforce existing inequalities. The wealthy, connected, and tech-savvy gain additional convenience, while the marginalised are forced into new layers of exclusion. This reflects the logic of capitalism itself – reforms that appear progressive on the surface conceal their real function of stratifying society and entrenching hierarchies.

Corporate Capture and the Commodification of Identity

No digital system operates in isolation from capitalism. Developing and maintaining the infrastructure for smartphone licences will inevitably involve private contractors, cloud providers, and app designers. The state presents the rollout as a neutral act of governance, but in reality it is another transfer of public dependence to private capital.

Corporations benefit in two ways. First, through direct contracts to design and maintain the systems. Second, and more insidiously, through the monetisation of data. Once people’s identities are digitised, the temptation to link them with consumer behaviour, financial transactions, and social media activity becomes immense. Even if New Zealand’s government swears to protect data, we know from countless international examples that privatisation by stealth soon follows.

The commodification of identity, where our very capacity to move, drive, or prove who we are becomes a profit centre, is utterly at odds with anarcho-communist principles. Identity should be a common resource, held in trust by communities, not a product managed by states and exploited by corporations.

Fragility and Dependence

Proponents of digital licences often argue that they are “more secure” than physical cards. Yet this overlooks the fragility of digital systems. Smartphones run out of battery, apps crash, servers go offline, and systems can be hacked. A plastic card does not depend on Wi-Fi, 4G coverage, or the latest OS update.

Digital dependence is not resilience, it is vulnerability. By tying essential credentials to devices and networks, the state makes citizens more dependent on fragile infrastructures that can and do fail. This fragility is often downplayed in the rush to appear modern, yet it will be the public who bear the cost when outages or cyber-attacks occur.

Resilience lies in decentralisation, not in brittle centralised systems. A physical licence, however imperfect, embodies a kind of autonomy that digital systems cannot replicate.

The Myth of Technological Leadership

Minister Bishop boasted that New Zealand would be among the first in the world to implement such a system. This pride in being an early adopter is revealing. The state frames technological acceleration as inherently virtuous, as though being first confers moral superiority. Yet being first to adopt a flawed or authoritarian technology is not a triumph but a danger.

Technological hubris leads governments to adopt systems before their risks are fully understood. By the time negative consequences emerge, the system is already embedded, and reversal becomes politically and technically difficult. This is the path dependency of digital governance, once society is locked into an infrastructure, it becomes almost impossible to opt out.

Rather than rushing to be first, a genuinely emancipatory politics would ask whether such systems are needed at all, and whether they truly enhance human freedom.

Towards Alternatives: Community-Centred Identity

If society requires systems of identity and accountability, they must be built from the ground up in ways that protect autonomy rather than erode it. Community-issued credentials, overseen by local collectives rather than centralised states, offer one possibility. Such systems could be physical or digital but must remain open-source, transparent, and non-commodified. Instead of being managed by corporations, identity could be treated as a commons, owned and governed collectively.

Equally, communities could experiment with non-identitarian methods of accountability. Rather than proving identity through documents, individuals could be recognised through relationships of trust, mutual responsibility, and local accountability. These may appear impractical in the context of modern nation-states, but they remind us that bureaucratic identity systems are not natural or eternal. They are historical constructs that can be resisted, dismantled, or replaced.

Resistance and Praxis

How, then, should anarcho-communists respond to the rollout of digital licences? Resistance must operate on multiple levels.

First, there is the work of education and agitation by exposing the real dangers of digital IDs and challenging the narrative of convenience. This means writing, speaking, and organising within communities to ensure people see beyond the government’s glossy rhetoric.

Second, there is the demand for genuine choice – that physical licences remain permanently available, with no penalty or stigma for using them. Any attempt to phase out physical options must be resisted as coercion.

Finally, we must connect this issue to the wider struggle against surveillance capitalism and state power. Digital licences are not an isolated reform but part of a continuum of control that includes facial recognition, biometric passports, and algorithmic policing. Only by linking these struggles together can we mount an effective resistance.

The Government’s proposal to allow driver’s licences and WoFs to be stored on smartphones has been heralded as a pragmatic modernisation, a step toward convenience in a digital world. Yet beneath this rhetoric lies a far more troubling reality. Digital licences deepen surveillance, reinforce inequality, transfer public functions to private capital, and render citizens dependent on fragile technologies.

These developments are not neutral. They are extensions of a broader system in which the state and capital collaborate to regulate and commodify everyday life. The convenience narrative obscures the erosion of autonomy, the deepening of exclusion, and the entrenchment of hierarchical power.

We must therefore reject the framing of digital licences as a “common sense” reform. Instead, we should see them as another frontier in the struggle between liberation and control. Our task is not merely to criticise but to resist, to imagine alternatives, and to build systems rooted in community, autonomy, and mutual aid.

The state wants us to believe that progress lies in carrying our identities in our pockets, ready to be displayed at the tap of a screen. We must insist that true progress lies elsewhere – in dismantling the apparatus of surveillance and building a society in which identity is not a weapon of control but a shared resource of freedom.